“Today, there are too numerous homicide cases that remain unresolved, and
given our collective amnesia as a nation, the criminals in our midst also know
this so they continue to ply their trade, almost certain they would get away
with it.”
There used to be
a popular car sticker with the inscription, “Insured by the mafia. You hit me,
we hit you!”, which seems to have vanished from our streets. The message
therein is simple: It is based on a notion of equating vengeance with justice
and the absence of proportion between offence and punishment. Unfortunately,
that is the situation in our country today as more and more Nigerians boycott
the court in favour of judicial black market where “justice” is swift and
without mercy. It is then little wonder that almost every day comes with
stories of killings, most of them based on revenge for real or perceived
injury.
If we will also be honest, our justice administration system has
reached a point where it is almost impossible to secure conviction even for
crime suspects caught in the act and for that reason, many Nigerians would
rather take the laws into their own hands. Today, there are too numerous
homicide cases that remain unresolved, and given our collective amnesia as a
nation, the criminals in our midst also know this so they continue to ply their
trade, almost certain they would get away with it.
Following the recent campus killings in Port Harcourt and Mubi,
there has been a public outrage by several Nigerians. But very soon we will
move on, as we always do, and the cases will be forgotten while the suspects
will be freed either as a result of pressure from some big men or for want of
diligent prosecution. There are too many cases I can cite to highlight that
unfortunate scenario but I recall how I felt on July 10, 1999 when the news
broke that some cultists entered Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife campus and
brutally hacked to death some promising students. Who remembers them again?
A new book, titled “Water Must Flow Uphill (Adventures in
University Administration)” by Prof. Roger Makanjuola, has captured the
incident we all seem to have forgotten in a way that will draw tears to many
eyes. Appointed V.C. in the wake of the tragedy to replace Prof Wale Omole
(current Chairman of the Guardian Editorial Board), Makanjuola’s book is highly
revealing of what happens on our campuses, and the things most Professors do
(including the use of juju), in their bid to become vice chancellor! The bit
that is, however, of interest to this discourse is the narrative of what led to
the July 10, 1999 tragedy at Ife and what followed afterwards. From the
excerpts, we can draw our own conclusions as to why Nigeria is fast becoming a
killing field:
On Saturday, 7 March 1999, a group of Black Axe members held a
meeting in Ife town. After the meeting, they drove back to the campus. On the
main road, Road 1, leading into the campus, they were overtaken by some
students in another car. For whatever reason, they were enraged and gave chase
to the students. The students, seeing them in pursuit, raced hastily to the car
park outside Angola Hall and ran into the adjacent Awolowo Hall for safety. The
Students’ Union, which had also received information that secret cult members
were gathering in a house in the senior staff quarters, mobilised in response
to the incident. Led by George Iwilade, the Secretary-General, a group of them
drove to the house, officially occupied by Mr. F.M. Mekoma, and forced their
way into the boys’ quarters. They found nine individuals inside, eight of them
students of the University, with a submachine gun, a locally manufactured gun,
an axe, a bayonet and the black clothing and regalia of the Black Axe cult. The
University authorities were informed, and the members of the secret cult were
handed over to the Police. They were held in police custody and taken to the
Chief Magistrate’s Court where two weeks later they were granted bail.
The case was heard on 31 March, and to the utmost amazement of
everyone, the Chief Magistrate discharged and acquitted the arrested individuals.
The students who had apprehended the cult members were not called as witnesses.
The investigating police officer, Corporal Femi Adewoye, claimed that the
witnesses could not be located and actually stated in Court, “I tried to
contact the complainants in this case, all to no avail. To date, there is no
complainant in the case. Since all the accused persons denied the allegations
against them and there is no complainant, there is no way the allegations can
be proved.” This was the submission of the prosecuting police officer! Usually,
in such cases, witness’ summons were served through the University
Administration but this did not happen. The trial was concluded in two court
appearances in eight days.
The Chief Magistrate also ordered that the submachine gun be
sent to the police armourer and the other exhibits be destroyed, thus
eliminating all the evidence, and making it impossible to re-open the case. The
Judicial Enquiry recommended that the Magistrate be reported to the Judicial
Commission for appropriate disciplinary action. Nothing came of this, as
nothing came of all the other recommendations of that Panel.
After the arrests of the cult members, the University, under
pressure from the students, issued a release suspending them without serving them
with letters of suspension. Shortly afterwards, the University was closed as a
result of a student crisis. When it re-opened three months later, the cult
members returned to the campus and were seen attending lectures. The students
raised an alarm once more. In response to this, the University issued a release
on 2 July re-affirming the suspensions of the cult members. The letters of
suspension were dated 8 July and it is doubtful whether those affected actually
received them before the tragic events two days later. Even then, one of the
students, Bruno Arinze, was left out. I eventually suspended him on 23 July.
The cult involved in the episode of 7 March was the Black Axe.
Four major reasons have been advanced as to the genesis leading to the mayhem
on 10 July. One, to which I subscribe, was that the Black Axe was avenging the
humiliating treatment of its members by the Student Union leaders in March
1999.
On the night of 9 July 1999, the Kegites, members of the Palm
Wine Drinkers’ Club, held a “gyration” (party) in the cafeteria of Awolowo
Hall. The party was in full swing, when, at around 3.30am (now 10 July), a
group of masked individuals, wearing black clothing, drove through the main
gate and proceeded to the car park next to the Tennis Courts in the Sports
Centre. They disembarked there and went on foot along a bush path to Awolowo
Hall, where they violently interrupted the gyration, firing guns and also
wielding axes and cutlasses. The group was probably all young men, although
there is a persistent story of at least one woman among them. Some of the
partygoers were shot, though none of them was killed. The partygoers ran for
their lives, a few actually throwing themselves through glass doors.
A group of the gunmen chased the partygoers as far as Mozambique
Hall. Other groups proceeded to the rooms. They first entered Room 184, where
they shot and killed Efe Ekede, a Part II Psychology student. In Room 230, they
shot Charles Ita, a Part II Law student. A group of the attackers then shot
Yemi Ajiteru, a Part II Religious Studies student, through the head in the
corridor outside the Kegites’ headquarters. In Room 273, they found George
Iwilade (Afrika), the Secretary-General of the Students’ Union and a Law
student, and shot him through the head, along with another occupant, Tunde Oke,
a Part 1 student of Philosophy, who was shot in the abdomen. When the attackers
got to Room 271, the room allocated to the suspended Students’ Union President,
Lanre Adeleke (Legacy), they found that he had escaped. Legacy was in his room
when he heard the first gun shots. He hurriedly went to his door, looked out,
and saw two of the attackers on the next floor, firing shots. He ran back into
his room and broke through the partition of the kitchenette into the next
room’s kitchenette. He heard them shouting, “Legacy, come out!” and escaped
into the next room. During the course of the incident, the attackers also
shouted the names of “Afrika”, George Iwilade, and “Dexter”, the Chief of the
Kegites, demanding that they come out.
The band of thugs proceeded to Fajuyi Hall on foot, where they
shot and killed one more student. That individual, Eviano Ekelemo, a medical
student, was certainly not a student activist, but they shot him anyway. The
murderers left Fajuyi Hall on foot and went through the bush path behind the
Hall back to their vehicles. They drove to the Students’ Union building, which
they ransacked. They returned to their vehicles and drove out of the University
through the main gate. The security staff, having heard gunfire, fled for their
lives. Thus the exit of the marauding thugs was unchallenged.
The students with gunshot wounds were taken to the Health Centre
and from there to the Teaching Hospital. Tunde Oke was still alive but died on
the operating table. Four others, George Iwilade, Yemi Ajiteru, Efe Ekede and
Eviano Ekelemu, were brought in dead. Eviano Ekelemu bled to death from gunshot
wounds to the groin and thigh. The other three died from gunshot wounds to the
head. In each case, the weapons used were shotguns, fired at close range.
Charles Ita and five others who were shot in the Awolowo Hall cafeteria,
survived. Twenty-five others received minor injuries, which were sustained
during the stampede out of the Awolowo Hall cafeteria and later on during the attack.
In the aftermath of the attack, the whole university was
enveloped in fear and there was chaos in the halls of residence. However,
within a short time, the President of the Students’ Union, Lanre Adeleke, was
able to restore order and mobilise his colleagues. The students went to the
town searching for the perpetrators in locations where cult members were
thought to be living. They “arrested” three individuals and brought them back
to Awolowo Hall. These were Aisekhaghe Aikhile, a Part I student of Agricultural
Economics, Emeka Ojuagu, and Frank Idahosa (Efosa). Efosa and Ojuagu were
arrested in a public transport vehicle that was about to leave Ife.
The students exhibited black clothing, two berets and two
T-shirts, that had been found in Ojuagu’s bag, which was claimed to be the
Black Axe uniform. Efosa was a known member of the Black Axe. He had been
expelled from the University of Benin and was later admitted for a diploma
programme in Local Government Studies in Ife. The three of them were savagely
beaten and tortured in the Awolowo Hall “Coffee Room”, the traditional venue
for such events. The inverted commas have been employed because coffee had not
been known to be served there for many years. Efosa and Oguagu are said to have
confessed to participating in the attacks during their “interrogation”, and
Efosa is said to have gone further to state that the attack was organised to
avenge the humiliating treatment of the Black Axe members who had been arrested
in Mr. Mekoma’s house on 7 March.
In the course of the interrogation, Aisekhaghe Aikhile died, and
his body was taken to the hospital mortuary. The interrogations also yielded
the information that 22 Black Axe members were involved, six from the
University, four from the University of Lagos, four from the University of
Ibadan, and eight from the University of Calabar. There was also a separate
claim that more students from the University of Benin were also involved.
The VC, Professor Wale Omole, had been out of the country on 10
July 1999, the day of the attack and in his absence, the Deputy VC (Academic),
Professor A.E. Akingbohungbe, was in charge. Soon after his arrival, the VC was
summoned to Abuja to give a report of the incident the day after he returned to
campus. On 14 July, his suspension was announced by the Government. It was
against this background that I was tracked to the UK and summoned to return
immediately and assume duty as the acting VC of the University.
When I arrived on the campus on 18 July, I promised the students
and the rest of the university community, that the university would do
everything in its power to bring the perpetrators to justice. I took this
undertaking extremely seriously.
The first step was to visit the Commissioner of Police, Mr. J.C.
Nwoye, in Osogbo. I raised the issue of the nine individuals who had been
arrested in March and discharged by the Chief Magistrate. He promised that a
vigorous and thorough investigation was in progress on the matter. He then
expressed concern that the University authorities had not officially reported
the murders to the Police despite repeated requests. On my return to the
University, I wrote the required letter, once more indicating our strong fears
concerning a connection between the March episode and the murders, and requesting
that the nine individuals involved be re-arrested.
A total of 12 individuals were arrested and charged to court
over the three weeks following the murders, including Efosa and Ojuagu. Only
one of those involved in the March episode was among those arrested. The other
eight could not be located. Two of them had obtained their transcripts and
resumed their studies in France. The students brought information on the
whereabouts of a major suspect, Babatunde Kazeem (Kato), and we provided a
vehicle so that the Police could go with the students to the address in Lagos
and arrest him. Kato was a former student who had been “advised to withdraw”
from the University as a result of academic failure. He had been apprehended by
the Students’ Union in August 1997 when he admitted to being a secret cult
member. He was subsequently handed over to the Security Department, but there
is no record of what happened after that. We also provided the Police with
information on three other individuals, “Innocent”, “Yuletide” and “Ogbume.”
Sadly, nothing came of this, even though we provided Ogbume’s address in
Victoria Garden City, Lagos. The arrested persons were charged to the Ile-Ife
Magistrate’s court for the murders.
The Judicial Commission of Enquiry was eventually inaugurated in
Abuja on 18 October, but did not start work until 24 November, and eventually
arrived in the University on Sunday, 28 November. The Chairman was Justice Okoi
Itam. There were six other members, including Professor Jadesola Akande, an
experienced and highly respected academic and university administrator, and Ray
Ekpu, the journalist. Ms. Turi Akerele was later deployed as legal counsel to
the Commission. A flamboyant but highly capable alumnus, Adeyinka
Olumide-Fusika, led a team representing the students.
The Commission’s report was submitted in February 2000 and was
released, along with the Government’s white paper, later that year. The
Commission expressed its strong belief that seven named individuals had
participated in the killings—Frank Idahosa (Efosa), Didi Yuletide, Kazeem Bello
(Kato), and four individuals who were identified only by their nicknames or
Christian names—Innocent, Athanasius, “Ochuko”, and “Chunk.” The last was
identified as the then head of the Black Axe secret cult. The Commission also
recommended the investigation of 16 other individuals, including Emeka Oguaju
and the nine involved in the 7 March episode. The Panel criticised the police
investigation of the case and recommended that the Inspector-General of Police
should set up a special task force to take it over. I have already mentioned
the recommendations concerning the Chief Magistrate who hastily tried and
acquitted the 7 March culprits, as well as Efosa’s lawyer.
It took me several months, and a number of visits to Abuja, to obtain
the Commission’s report and the White Paper. Dissatisfied with the progress of
the court cases, and armed with the report, I visited the Attorney-General of
the Federation, Chief Bola Ige. After I had expressed my concerns over the case
and highlighted the Commission’s recommendations concerning its investigation,
he assured me that, although the case was being prosecuted by the Osun State
Attorney-General’s office, his Ministry would work with that office. He sent
for the Inspector-General of Police, Mr. Musiliu Smith, who agreed that he
would immediately establish the recommended special task force. This he did,
and a senior police officer, ACP Tonye Ibitibituwa, soon arrived in Osogbo with
a team. However, in spite of the efforts of this task force, no further arrests
were made. We also liaised with the Osun State Attorney-General, who assured us
that his office was seriously following up the case. I must say that he did
personally prosecute the case.
As I have stated, the cases against those charged in the Chief
Magistrate’s Court for belonging to an illegal organisation eventually came to
nothing. However, we were very hopeful of a successful prosecution of the
murder cases against Efosa and company. The case in the Osogbo High Court,
which commenced on 9 April 2001, wound on. Evidence for the prosecution was
taken from a number of students and some other witnesses. There was adjournment
after adjournment. In mid-2002, the Judge hearing the case was transferred to
Iwo, and the case along with it. There was a further delay while the exhibits
were also subsequently taken to Iwo. To the amazement of everyone, the Judge
upheld a “No Case” submission by the defence on 5 November 2002. The three
accused persons were released and they subsequently disappeared…
NOTE: What the foregoing, which is just an abridged version of
Prof. Makanjuola’s very detailed account of the tragedy, reveals very clearly
is that it is indeed very easy for people to get away with murder in our
country. And that has contributed to the culture of impunity that we witness
today. For readers who may be interested in the book, they can contact Mosuro
Publishers in Ibadan through
mosuro@skannet.com<mailto:mosuro@skannet.com> while the website iswww.mosurobooks.com<http://www.mosurobooks.com/>.
The contact numbers are 08033229113 and 027517474.
Tinubu Should Watch It!
When the ‘Bata’ drum is sounding abnormally loud, according to a Yoruba adage, it is about to burst. I hope some of the people around Asiwaju Bola Tinubu can whisper to him that he needs to be careful. In the build-up to last Saturday gubernatorial elections in Ondo State, it was very distressing watching some of his henchmen as they demonised respected Yoruba leaders. Chief Ayo Adebanjo was called names; Dr Olu Agunloye whose aspiration was upended at the midnight party “primaries” in Bourdillon suddenly became a traitor for leaving the party in protest. Even Chief Olu Falae, who hails from Ondo State and should know what is good for his people, was abused for pitching tent with the incumbent Governor Olusegun Mimiko. And then Mimiko himself had to endure all manner of insults from Tinubu and his men for no reason other than that he refused to join ACN. The charge against him was that he “betrayed” Tinubu and nobody told us how, except for some nebulous claim of “forensic assistance” to the Governor when he was prosecuting his case at the election tribunal. Now what is that?
When the ‘Bata’ drum is sounding abnormally loud, according to a Yoruba adage, it is about to burst. I hope some of the people around Asiwaju Bola Tinubu can whisper to him that he needs to be careful. In the build-up to last Saturday gubernatorial elections in Ondo State, it was very distressing watching some of his henchmen as they demonised respected Yoruba leaders. Chief Ayo Adebanjo was called names; Dr Olu Agunloye whose aspiration was upended at the midnight party “primaries” in Bourdillon suddenly became a traitor for leaving the party in protest. Even Chief Olu Falae, who hails from Ondo State and should know what is good for his people, was abused for pitching tent with the incumbent Governor Olusegun Mimiko. And then Mimiko himself had to endure all manner of insults from Tinubu and his men for no reason other than that he refused to join ACN. The charge against him was that he “betrayed” Tinubu and nobody told us how, except for some nebulous claim of “forensic assistance” to the Governor when he was prosecuting his case at the election tribunal. Now what is that?
Since we cannot all sleep and lay our heads in the same
direction, as the Yoruba would say, there is significant value in the
opposition platform that Tinubu offers. But he cannot be mouthing democracy
based on free choice yet deny others their right to decide which political
party to belong or who to associate with. As an admirer of Tinubu, I will
advise that he takes a step back to reflect on his politics and see where he
might need to make course correction before he loses the plot.
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